I read Com. Gaurav’s article with great interest. The article addresses many immediate issues. However, it fails to offer strategic orientation, critical look of changed reality of the Nepalese society and state and the sketch of the road that the Nepali revolution will marches through from now on. Hopping that Com. Gaurav will look into these critically important issues and will provide his perspective and that of CPN – M; I have offered my input, below, for further discussion.
1. In reality, the Constituent Assembly was a tactical instrument and a temporary resting place to stay for a while before continuing the next phase of the journey. This arrangement fits with the larger scheme of the revolutionary journey. What happened was a normal outcome of a normal course, nothing strange. The CA was there to disappear either prematurely or by giving birth to a working class-unfriendly constitution at the most. Hence, no tears should be shed for its demise. In a class society and during the period of class war, it is a normal phenomenon. The revolutionaries should not stick to repeat the course that already has lost its usefulness. Now, CA is the problem of the forces of status quo, not that of revolutionaries. Hence, CA could not be a tactical line from now on.
2. When contradiction among and between reactionary leaders intensifies; a revolutionary party should utilize that opportunity to promote the cause of revolution. The business of dog fight among the ruling parties, when they are anti-people is a useful opportunity for promoting the base, speed and infrastructure of mass movement and that of protracted people’s war.
3. The nature of Nepali society should be an issue of intense debate. Here, the society has a good mix of capitalism and feudalism. I think, this is a capitalist society with still heavy influence and presence of feudal relation of production (but not dominant), values and practices. However, the society has already been tilted towards capitalist mode of production, values and practices. Hence, a deeper research and analysis is what we should go for, instead of repeating the convenient phrase of ‘semi feudal’. However, the path of new democratic revolution is still valid and that would include mass rebellion at the second part of the revolution. This would be a mix of Soviet and Chinese ways. As the society is in transition, the path of revolution also should include both ways into one and blend them as a single whole.
4. We are not just semi-colonial country either. The pattern and character of relationship between and among states have changed. Now, imperialism has changed its modes operandi. It uses capital investment (FDI), INGOs/NGOs, multi-laterals including UN system agencies, bilateral agencies, human rights groups, special interest mechanisms and instruments, etc. to dominate other countries and rule over them more indirectly and covertly. Direct attacks have become exceptional and interferences through proxies are common. Similarly, hegemonic powers also have changed their way of doing things. Now it primarily operates through client regimes and agents. Here too, we need to understand the changed reality through comprehensive political research. For the time being, I think, it may better reflect the reality if we say Nepal as a client regime of Indian ruling clique and play ground of forces of imperialism, more particularly, which operates through INGOs/NGOs. Hence, the main contradiction now is the contradiction between the people and the client regime including both the agents in Nepal and their masters outside. We could not oppose hegemonism and imperialism without opposing their agents – the client regime and agencies here in Nepal.
5. United Front and its role in revolution may not be class – neutral. Hence, the United Front, the CPN – M has been leading or is part of; should be judged taking its class orientation as a major criterion. The formation, now, sounds a loose network of opposition groups and parties formed to address a tactical need, rather than a strategic organizational instrument of change.
http://thenextfront.com/?p=2539#comment-1405
1. In reality, the Constituent Assembly was a tactical instrument and a temporary resting place to stay for a while before continuing the next phase of the journey. This arrangement fits with the larger scheme of the revolutionary journey. What happened was a normal outcome of a normal course, nothing strange. The CA was there to disappear either prematurely or by giving birth to a working class-unfriendly constitution at the most. Hence, no tears should be shed for its demise. In a class society and during the period of class war, it is a normal phenomenon. The revolutionaries should not stick to repeat the course that already has lost its usefulness. Now, CA is the problem of the forces of status quo, not that of revolutionaries. Hence, CA could not be a tactical line from now on.
2. When contradiction among and between reactionary leaders intensifies; a revolutionary party should utilize that opportunity to promote the cause of revolution. The business of dog fight among the ruling parties, when they are anti-people is a useful opportunity for promoting the base, speed and infrastructure of mass movement and that of protracted people’s war.
3. The nature of Nepali society should be an issue of intense debate. Here, the society has a good mix of capitalism and feudalism. I think, this is a capitalist society with still heavy influence and presence of feudal relation of production (but not dominant), values and practices. However, the society has already been tilted towards capitalist mode of production, values and practices. Hence, a deeper research and analysis is what we should go for, instead of repeating the convenient phrase of ‘semi feudal’. However, the path of new democratic revolution is still valid and that would include mass rebellion at the second part of the revolution. This would be a mix of Soviet and Chinese ways. As the society is in transition, the path of revolution also should include both ways into one and blend them as a single whole.
4. We are not just semi-colonial country either. The pattern and character of relationship between and among states have changed. Now, imperialism has changed its modes operandi. It uses capital investment (FDI), INGOs/NGOs, multi-laterals including UN system agencies, bilateral agencies, human rights groups, special interest mechanisms and instruments, etc. to dominate other countries and rule over them more indirectly and covertly. Direct attacks have become exceptional and interferences through proxies are common. Similarly, hegemonic powers also have changed their way of doing things. Now it primarily operates through client regimes and agents. Here too, we need to understand the changed reality through comprehensive political research. For the time being, I think, it may better reflect the reality if we say Nepal as a client regime of Indian ruling clique and play ground of forces of imperialism, more particularly, which operates through INGOs/NGOs. Hence, the main contradiction now is the contradiction between the people and the client regime including both the agents in Nepal and their masters outside. We could not oppose hegemonism and imperialism without opposing their agents – the client regime and agencies here in Nepal.
5. United Front and its role in revolution may not be class – neutral. Hence, the United Front, the CPN – M has been leading or is part of; should be judged taking its class orientation as a major criterion. The formation, now, sounds a loose network of opposition groups and parties formed to address a tactical need, rather than a strategic organizational instrument of change.
http://thenextfront.com/?p=2539#comment-1405
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