Divash Sharma
Kamaraditya is right when he says that just appeal would not be enough. What the revolutionary platform within the UCPN (M) wants to achieve and what course they would select? They might have the following options available.
1. Course Correction: Chunabang was the departure point from where the present two courses originated in their present forms. Through surgical process, the revolutionaries could disconnect them from the revisionist/liquidationist line of Prachanda-Baburam faction. This would made the course corrected and would reignite the tactical revolutionary line, spirit and actions.
2. Continue Grumbling and submerge within the revisionist course: Making death, somehow, normal and natural, the revolutionaries could continue grumbling and the death waiting them would take them on its lap. Staying together with Prachanda-Baburam camp for a longer period of time would result in digesting the revolutionaries by that camp and the impact would be more fertilizer for strengthening regression.
3. Retire and stop being misleading to yourselves/to others: Rather than being a part of the process that has been destroying the revolutionary path, gains, hopes and structure; retire. The retirement would give you peace of mind and others would understand the reality that though you attempted but failed. They would consider your retirement as one MOST important act that did not mislead people.
When the revolutionaries decide their course of action, their acts would follow in line with. Option 2 and 3, simply ask non-actions, whereas the first action needs action, thinking, courage, commitment and many more. This would be the historic decision and would invite sacrifice. If you are ready to sacrifice, you have every right to ask for sacrifice from the PLA. Your two-liners may not do wonders if you are still under thick cloud. If the revolutionaries would go for clear break, in that case they may ask the PLA to go for any of the following available options.
1. Rebel: Go back to your nest. Ye have made sacrifices in the past, continue your historic tradition. We have formed our vanguard now. Let’s reassemble around it.
2. Be pragmatic: Collect cash opting for “vol.ret.”, use it for meeting the dire needs of your families, join revolution and strengthen the recreated PLA.
3. Go by your choice, please never harm the baby, “the revolution”, you gave birth and you nurtured so dearly. Be aware of Prachanada-Baburam’s harmful acts and deeds.
Now, there is one simple question to the revolutionary platform – when will you finally decide your future course? Now? After some months? Never?
Posted on www.thenextfront.com
Tuesday, November 15, 2011
Wednesday, October 26, 2011
Three Villains Who Harmed Nepal Most
Divash Sharma
Since 1950, after overthrowing the Rana regime, Nepalese people have been dreaming a dream of peaceful, prosperous, civilized and technologically advance Nepal.
During 1950s, the chances of Nepal taking speed in all these areas were really high. However, a villain poured cold water on all aspirations of people. He was an autocratic King, infamously known as Mahendra Shah. He snatched all powers in a coup d’état in 1960 and introduced one party system called Panchayat. Civil rights, human rights, freedom of associations, plural political exercises, all were banned and he ruled Nepal with iron fist. The one party system he introduced lasted till 1990 killing several hundred people and imprisoning and suppressing thousands. Although, the totalitarian system he introduced was defeated, his sons entered into a power sharing arrangement and continued to hang on somewhere till 2006. Mahendra was one of the key villains in modern Nepal who held Nepal back. He was a tyrant. However, he took some important steps in areas of physical infrastructure building including Birgung-Kathmandu, Kodari-Kathmandu and East-West highways. He was instrumental in expanding education foundation by supporting to establish several hundred schools, some colleges and a university. He also legally abolished untouchability and eliminated the caste based penal code. In economic front, he initiated public sector enterprises to support industrialization and cater facilities in areas of greater need. In international front, he aligned Nepal with non-aligned movement, stood for equidistance between power blocks and powerful neighbors including America and Soviet Union and between India and China. However, his contributions were too little in comparison to his crimes committed against Nepali people, particularly suppressing them politically and intellectually. Hence, Mahendra as a tyrant will be listed as one of the major villains Nepal, whereas he will also be credited as an initiator of some development endeavors.
The infamous Panchayat system was overthrown as the result of three decades long heroic struggle of people. Several historic political initiatives contributed in the down fall of the tyrannical system. It would be worth mentioning the armed struggle launched by the Nepali Congress during 1960s, the Jhapa rebellion of 1970s and its continuation by the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) during 1980s, the militant students’ and workers’ movements and several popular uprisings including the uprising of 1979 that forced the regime to declare referendum and the people’s movement of 1989-90 that succeeded in overthrowing the Panchayat system, are a few important ones. Although, the people’s movement defeated Panchayat, it ended in a compromise that retained the monarchy in a bit different form. The movements and elections after the change of 1990 gave birth to new heroes and new villains. Not a single hero survived politically to lead the change process positively and constructively. However, several leaders projected as heroes converted themselves into villains. The tallest among these new converts was Girija Prasad Koirala. The more he survived physically the greater he accumulated the negative wealth and stood tallest among villains. Barring his history of long struggle against the tyrannical Panchayat system, his personal quality of determination and courage and his ability to reaching out even to diehard opponents; he was a garbage truck. Also, there were corruptions previously in public life, however Girija Prasad institutionalized it and introduced corrupt practices as a general rule rather than exceptions. He could be addressed as the “Father of Corruption in Modern Nepal.” His nepotism and cronyism of unparallel nature, scale and intensity would be remembered for a longtime to come. He is primarily responsible for creating a sandy base, which made Nepal now vulnerable, unstable, anarchic and ungovernable.
When Girija Prasad Koirala departed initially politically and afterward physically, his political successor appeared. He was none other than Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the charismatic chairman of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), (UPCN (M). People had high hopes from him as he had led the decade-long civil war putting forward the agenda that there would be a new Nepal - a prosperous, civilized, egalitarian, developed and shinning Nepal. More than 13000 people had been killed by either side during the civil war and the hopes and aspirations after such a big sacrifice should be naturally high. When, the UCPN (M) took over the leadership of the government, there was some sort of euphoria. Jubilation was the flavor of the time. Gradually, frustrations shadowed hopes, anger brushed off cool expectations, turmoil replaced serenity and a different Pushpa Kamal came out from the thick cloud. The Pushpa Kamal appeared second time had some characters of Mahendra as he sounded highly intolerant to opposing voices, and he had some characters of Girija Prasad as he was a master money maker. Moreover, he was highly unstable and super ambitious. He wanted everything revolving around him – politics, party, parliament and government. He primarily lacked statesmanship, transparency and commitment to any cause other than his personal agenda of nepotism and cronyism. He contributed to create a mess so as to swim on it and to ensure his endeavors rewarding himself. By utilizing his party apparatus, he accumulated wealth and made himself a new financial Czar. However, he killed his charisma, respect, reputation and personality. Moreover, as a turncoat, he betrayed the cause of building a shinning Nepal and degenerated himself to a petty power broker. A leader of majestic height died politically and made Nepal suffering immensely in the process.
Nepal suffered a lot due to roles played by these three notorious villains.
Since 1950, after overthrowing the Rana regime, Nepalese people have been dreaming a dream of peaceful, prosperous, civilized and technologically advance Nepal.
During 1950s, the chances of Nepal taking speed in all these areas were really high. However, a villain poured cold water on all aspirations of people. He was an autocratic King, infamously known as Mahendra Shah. He snatched all powers in a coup d’état in 1960 and introduced one party system called Panchayat. Civil rights, human rights, freedom of associations, plural political exercises, all were banned and he ruled Nepal with iron fist. The one party system he introduced lasted till 1990 killing several hundred people and imprisoning and suppressing thousands. Although, the totalitarian system he introduced was defeated, his sons entered into a power sharing arrangement and continued to hang on somewhere till 2006. Mahendra was one of the key villains in modern Nepal who held Nepal back. He was a tyrant. However, he took some important steps in areas of physical infrastructure building including Birgung-Kathmandu, Kodari-Kathmandu and East-West highways. He was instrumental in expanding education foundation by supporting to establish several hundred schools, some colleges and a university. He also legally abolished untouchability and eliminated the caste based penal code. In economic front, he initiated public sector enterprises to support industrialization and cater facilities in areas of greater need. In international front, he aligned Nepal with non-aligned movement, stood for equidistance between power blocks and powerful neighbors including America and Soviet Union and between India and China. However, his contributions were too little in comparison to his crimes committed against Nepali people, particularly suppressing them politically and intellectually. Hence, Mahendra as a tyrant will be listed as one of the major villains Nepal, whereas he will also be credited as an initiator of some development endeavors.
The infamous Panchayat system was overthrown as the result of three decades long heroic struggle of people. Several historic political initiatives contributed in the down fall of the tyrannical system. It would be worth mentioning the armed struggle launched by the Nepali Congress during 1960s, the Jhapa rebellion of 1970s and its continuation by the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) during 1980s, the militant students’ and workers’ movements and several popular uprisings including the uprising of 1979 that forced the regime to declare referendum and the people’s movement of 1989-90 that succeeded in overthrowing the Panchayat system, are a few important ones. Although, the people’s movement defeated Panchayat, it ended in a compromise that retained the monarchy in a bit different form. The movements and elections after the change of 1990 gave birth to new heroes and new villains. Not a single hero survived politically to lead the change process positively and constructively. However, several leaders projected as heroes converted themselves into villains. The tallest among these new converts was Girija Prasad Koirala. The more he survived physically the greater he accumulated the negative wealth and stood tallest among villains. Barring his history of long struggle against the tyrannical Panchayat system, his personal quality of determination and courage and his ability to reaching out even to diehard opponents; he was a garbage truck. Also, there were corruptions previously in public life, however Girija Prasad institutionalized it and introduced corrupt practices as a general rule rather than exceptions. He could be addressed as the “Father of Corruption in Modern Nepal.” His nepotism and cronyism of unparallel nature, scale and intensity would be remembered for a longtime to come. He is primarily responsible for creating a sandy base, which made Nepal now vulnerable, unstable, anarchic and ungovernable.
When Girija Prasad Koirala departed initially politically and afterward physically, his political successor appeared. He was none other than Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the charismatic chairman of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), (UPCN (M). People had high hopes from him as he had led the decade-long civil war putting forward the agenda that there would be a new Nepal - a prosperous, civilized, egalitarian, developed and shinning Nepal. More than 13000 people had been killed by either side during the civil war and the hopes and aspirations after such a big sacrifice should be naturally high. When, the UCPN (M) took over the leadership of the government, there was some sort of euphoria. Jubilation was the flavor of the time. Gradually, frustrations shadowed hopes, anger brushed off cool expectations, turmoil replaced serenity and a different Pushpa Kamal came out from the thick cloud. The Pushpa Kamal appeared second time had some characters of Mahendra as he sounded highly intolerant to opposing voices, and he had some characters of Girija Prasad as he was a master money maker. Moreover, he was highly unstable and super ambitious. He wanted everything revolving around him – politics, party, parliament and government. He primarily lacked statesmanship, transparency and commitment to any cause other than his personal agenda of nepotism and cronyism. He contributed to create a mess so as to swim on it and to ensure his endeavors rewarding himself. By utilizing his party apparatus, he accumulated wealth and made himself a new financial Czar. However, he killed his charisma, respect, reputation and personality. Moreover, as a turncoat, he betrayed the cause of building a shinning Nepal and degenerated himself to a petty power broker. A leader of majestic height died politically and made Nepal suffering immensely in the process.
Nepal suffered a lot due to roles played by these three notorious villains.
Monday, October 17, 2011
Some Comments on UCPN (M) and Transitions to ...
The article "Pleasure of staying at the crossroads" by Rishi Raj Baral (posted on http://thenextfront.com/) has put forward a clear roadmap. It is well presented.
I have some comments.
1) Transition: Although, the incremental change, which amass the quantity, impetus and energy for a qualitative change is a continuous process, it has to lead somewhere to a clear break. In this way transition is a continuous process in generic interpretation but it is also an accumulative process for a phenomenal change. This change could be composting of biodegradable items that results in fertilizer or could be germination of seeds that gives birth to seedling or saplings. Now, within UCPN (M), both processes are active.
2)Time: It is natural that such a complex process of transition to reaction and transition to reigniting revolution takes time. However, being active and taking time and being lethargic and taking time are two different circumstances. Now, the “transition to reaction” team has been active as it is spreading its legs everywhere – party, parliament, government and foreign forces, whereas the “transition to reigniting revolution” team has become mostly a talking club barring a few good organizational and analytical works. Hence, the proposition put forward by Rishi that “Staying at the crossroads for long time means to harm oneself” is correct.
3)“Party within the party”: The concept, in practice, is a normal course for a brief period of split in any party. However, as a strategically workable concept, it is not only flawed but also suicidal. If Baidhya-Badal platform wishes that the two antagonistic Headquarters could stay together within a ‘party framework’, that is simply a concept, which would ultimately result to liquidation of them.
4)Break: Rishi’s conclusion that “restructuring the party is one and the only way to move forward” is the correct course this time as the other side – Prachanda-Bhattarai platform has already reached to a destination from where they could only travel to reaction and more reaction.
5)Two line or two tendencies: Being monolithic and too centralization had harmed the communist movement in the past and still it has been harming. So, “letting hundreds of flowers to bloom” should be the governing foundation that helps flourish the communist movement and the parties. Unity even with hundreds of friendly disagreements is what the communists should be happy with. Two lines, two tendencies, two platforms or even more are to be considered normal and natural.
6)Concluding point: Even if Baidhya-Badal platform rejects to move forward and refuses to clearly breaking relations with the Prachanda-Bhattarai camp, revolution in Nepal will not stop to take its further course. However, they have contributed most meaningfully in the Nepalese revolution in the past; they are still trying to carry the glory though with a bit hesitation; the leaders and cadres around them have wonderful contributions and splendid images of sacrifice and revolutionary maturity; and people have trust and expectations from them, so Nepali revolution could wait them for a while. Let’s try for the best, if that would not happen, another better option could take concrete shape and a new course may get acceleration.
http://thenextfront.com/politics/pleasure-of-staying-at-the-crossroads.html
I have some comments.
1) Transition: Although, the incremental change, which amass the quantity, impetus and energy for a qualitative change is a continuous process, it has to lead somewhere to a clear break. In this way transition is a continuous process in generic interpretation but it is also an accumulative process for a phenomenal change. This change could be composting of biodegradable items that results in fertilizer or could be germination of seeds that gives birth to seedling or saplings. Now, within UCPN (M), both processes are active.
2)Time: It is natural that such a complex process of transition to reaction and transition to reigniting revolution takes time. However, being active and taking time and being lethargic and taking time are two different circumstances. Now, the “transition to reaction” team has been active as it is spreading its legs everywhere – party, parliament, government and foreign forces, whereas the “transition to reigniting revolution” team has become mostly a talking club barring a few good organizational and analytical works. Hence, the proposition put forward by Rishi that “Staying at the crossroads for long time means to harm oneself” is correct.
3)“Party within the party”: The concept, in practice, is a normal course for a brief period of split in any party. However, as a strategically workable concept, it is not only flawed but also suicidal. If Baidhya-Badal platform wishes that the two antagonistic Headquarters could stay together within a ‘party framework’, that is simply a concept, which would ultimately result to liquidation of them.
4)Break: Rishi’s conclusion that “restructuring the party is one and the only way to move forward” is the correct course this time as the other side – Prachanda-Bhattarai platform has already reached to a destination from where they could only travel to reaction and more reaction.
5)Two line or two tendencies: Being monolithic and too centralization had harmed the communist movement in the past and still it has been harming. So, “letting hundreds of flowers to bloom” should be the governing foundation that helps flourish the communist movement and the parties. Unity even with hundreds of friendly disagreements is what the communists should be happy with. Two lines, two tendencies, two platforms or even more are to be considered normal and natural.
6)Concluding point: Even if Baidhya-Badal platform rejects to move forward and refuses to clearly breaking relations with the Prachanda-Bhattarai camp, revolution in Nepal will not stop to take its further course. However, they have contributed most meaningfully in the Nepalese revolution in the past; they are still trying to carry the glory though with a bit hesitation; the leaders and cadres around them have wonderful contributions and splendid images of sacrifice and revolutionary maturity; and people have trust and expectations from them, so Nepali revolution could wait them for a while. Let’s try for the best, if that would not happen, another better option could take concrete shape and a new course may get acceleration.
http://thenextfront.com/politics/pleasure-of-staying-at-the-crossroads.html
Friday, October 14, 2011
Prachanda Path: A Dead Idealogical Synthesis
Prachanda Path was the creation of CPN (M) as an ideological synthesis of set of ideas emerged during the practice of revolution in Nepal. It was expected that this set of ideas emerging in the form of Prachanda Path will guide the basic line in the forward march of the Nepalese Revolution. Kiran was instrumental in its formulation as his belief was that just as Marxism in Germany, Leninism in Russia, and Maoism in China so Prachanda Path is Nepal's identity of revolution. (see: http://radhikaranjanmarxist.blogspot.com/2009/04/nepal-prachanda-path-new-doctrine.html). And, ideologues like Basanta were the principal elaborators (Bhashyakars) and propagators (see: International Dimension of Prachanda Path by Basanta, Issue number 10, The Worker, organ of the CPN (M).
However, christened after its the then all powerful Chairman Prachanda, Prachanda Path was initially abandoned during the unity process with the CPN (Masal-Unity Center) and died its natural death when Prachanda abandoned revolution.
Now, nobody talks about Prachanda Path, neither its ‘majestic pillar’ Prachanda nor its chief architect Kiran nor one of the great Bhasyakars Basanta. Prachanda Path is found in history books only. It is not only a dead phrase, but also a dead expectation. Strange, cdebasish62 has quoted long passages from Basanta’s article. Everybody has the right to correct himself/herself. Kiran and Basanta also could do the same through the MLM process of criticism and self-criticism. Now, the revolutionary platform within the UCPN (M) has to rename the ideological synthesis of the set of ideas emerged from the practice of Nepali revolution or drop such premature initiatives entirely.
http://thenextfront.com/politics/two-line-struggle-in-the-international-communist-movement.html#comment-2290
However, christened after its the then all powerful Chairman Prachanda, Prachanda Path was initially abandoned during the unity process with the CPN (Masal-Unity Center) and died its natural death when Prachanda abandoned revolution.
Now, nobody talks about Prachanda Path, neither its ‘majestic pillar’ Prachanda nor its chief architect Kiran nor one of the great Bhasyakars Basanta. Prachanda Path is found in history books only. It is not only a dead phrase, but also a dead expectation. Strange, cdebasish62 has quoted long passages from Basanta’s article. Everybody has the right to correct himself/herself. Kiran and Basanta also could do the same through the MLM process of criticism and self-criticism. Now, the revolutionary platform within the UCPN (M) has to rename the ideological synthesis of the set of ideas emerged from the practice of Nepali revolution or drop such premature initiatives entirely.
http://thenextfront.com/politics/two-line-struggle-in-the-international-communist-movement.html#comment-2290
Thursday, September 1, 2011
UCPN (M) and Revolution or Counter Revolution
Divash Sharma says:
September 1, 2011 at 6:34 am
Following is my comment on Comrade Indra Mohan Sigdel's article "They are minimising the ideological struggle" posted on The Next Front, http://thenextfront.com
“…. Only by defeating this kind of counter-revolutionary thinking and trend, which is noticed in some of the comrades of our party, can the revolution be defended, ….”.
The fundamental hypothesis here is that UCPN (M) is still in the revolutionary path and revolution in Nepal is still an ongoing process. And, by minimizing the ideological struggle, counter revolution might be staged. So, there is possibility of counter revolution.
Reality check on UCPN (M) points out the following.
a) The core leadership, particularly the Chairman has already abandoned revolutionary path. Facts include entering into ‘peace process’ in strategically designed course of attaining state power by abandoning proletarian class interests, contonizing PLA and now, disarming it in the name of integrating into the old army and rehabilitating in the old society.
b)Abandoning the path of class struggle and armed transition and adopting incremental reform agenda instead of radical socio-economic and political transformation.
c) Abandoning organizational instruments created to advance the cause of revolution, example deactivating YCL, people’s governments at local levels, etc.
d) Taking oneself out of the international revolutionary movements including but not limited to RIM and COMPOSA.
e) Class conversion of leaders from proletariat to bourgeoisie class and change of their life styles accordingly.
f) Promotion of cronyism and nepotism in the party and in the government.
g) Abandoning proletarian cultural traits in favor of bourgeoisie culture.
Where there is ideological U-turn, de-structuring of instruments of radical change, cultural conversion from people’s culture to somewhere else and politics of peaceful coexistence with the exploitative classes have become the fundamental features, it is more than “counter-revolutionary thinking and trend”. Rather, it is a full-fledged counter revolution. Only the surprising fact is that how the revolutionary leaders and cadres including Kiran and Basanta failed to read the writings on the wall? Further wait will erode more, the revolutionary gains of past.
http://thenextfront.com/politics/they-are-minimising-the-ideological-struggle.html#comment-1528
September 1, 2011 at 6:34 am
Following is my comment on Comrade Indra Mohan Sigdel's article "They are minimising the ideological struggle" posted on The Next Front, http://thenextfront.com
“…. Only by defeating this kind of counter-revolutionary thinking and trend, which is noticed in some of the comrades of our party, can the revolution be defended, ….”.
The fundamental hypothesis here is that UCPN (M) is still in the revolutionary path and revolution in Nepal is still an ongoing process. And, by minimizing the ideological struggle, counter revolution might be staged. So, there is possibility of counter revolution.
Reality check on UCPN (M) points out the following.
a) The core leadership, particularly the Chairman has already abandoned revolutionary path. Facts include entering into ‘peace process’ in strategically designed course of attaining state power by abandoning proletarian class interests, contonizing PLA and now, disarming it in the name of integrating into the old army and rehabilitating in the old society.
b)Abandoning the path of class struggle and armed transition and adopting incremental reform agenda instead of radical socio-economic and political transformation.
c) Abandoning organizational instruments created to advance the cause of revolution, example deactivating YCL, people’s governments at local levels, etc.
d) Taking oneself out of the international revolutionary movements including but not limited to RIM and COMPOSA.
e) Class conversion of leaders from proletariat to bourgeoisie class and change of their life styles accordingly.
f) Promotion of cronyism and nepotism in the party and in the government.
g) Abandoning proletarian cultural traits in favor of bourgeoisie culture.
Where there is ideological U-turn, de-structuring of instruments of radical change, cultural conversion from people’s culture to somewhere else and politics of peaceful coexistence with the exploitative classes have become the fundamental features, it is more than “counter-revolutionary thinking and trend”. Rather, it is a full-fledged counter revolution. Only the surprising fact is that how the revolutionary leaders and cadres including Kiran and Basanta failed to read the writings on the wall? Further wait will erode more, the revolutionary gains of past.
http://thenextfront.com/politics/they-are-minimising-the-ideological-struggle.html#comment-1528
Monday, June 13, 2011
Nepal Revolution: The Downward Journey
Nepal Revolution: The Downward Journey
Divash Sharma
The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) had lunched the People's War in 1996 aiming to free the productive forces, establish new democratic governance, strengthen social harmony and support people's culture. The endeavor created momentum immediately after its initiation and galloped in no time to cover the entire territory of the country.
Surprised and bewildered, the western forces together with India took initiatives to quell the rebellion by enhancing the military strengths of the government of Nepal. They got befitting reply from a far inferior military force of the Maoists. Realizing this fact quite early, they devised a soft package too. The ingredient of this package included but not limited to utilizing United Nations and its agencies, international and national human rights agencies, international and national non-government service delivery mechanisms, , media companies , 'civil society' barons and baronesses and council of ambassadors of the western countries stationed in Kathmandu and Delhi. Notwithstanding all their collective acts and actions, the war continued to progress, both in its expansion and intensity. The major arms from the imperialist weaponry did not work that effectively.
The intelligence networks from Washington and New Delhi started to work over time. Besides their regulars, they mobilized a large number of part timers and casual contractors. Academicians and researchers from non-suspecting countries like Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Canada and other smaller European nations were enrolled. Some of them came as research scholars; some came as 'true friends' of the revolutionaries and some came as professionals such as journalists, photographers, etc. Infiltration was their ultimate goal and some of them successfully attained their goal.
Now, one-in-three approach - military strength, soft-package and multi-tunnel intelligence endeavors created a platform and generated synergy to penetrate deep, influence the course from within and harmonize acts to help swallow the slow poison.
From Chunbang onwards, the leadership, otherwise seen determined and resolute, started to show weaknesses, softy-softy attitudes, self-interest drives and hurry to reach to the seat of state power. Their moves from that particular meeting could be termed as unpredictable and opportunistic. The march to Delhi and signing 12 points agreement with the alliance of seven parliamentary parties by utilizing the 'good office' of the Indian government finalized the turn around.
The tactical slogan of the "election of the Constituent Assembly" became a goal in itself. After the election of the assembly, the' Maoists' not only became the largest party, but also graduated as another parliamentary party, particularly after its ideological merger with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). Although, organizationally Unity Center merged with 'Maoist', however, the opposite was true ideologically, which was amply clear by the analysis of the course it charted out as Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). From the date of merger, the Unified Maoist had entered into more complex two line struggle and has still been continuing. The core leadership has splinted into three platforms - parliamentary, anti-parliamentary and floater between the two.
The parliamentary platform is neither secretive nor unethical. They are clear on their goal, role and endeavors. They have committed on their radical reformist agenda and represent the middle class interests. In conventional Marxist terminology, they are national bourgeoisie forces and may be branded as revisionists. However, it may not be true in 21st century context to condemn them out right. They are still friendly forces and could contribute meaningfully provided they are rightly branded. They love to call themselves as communists and represent the interests of the upper classes. The Euro-Communists, Nepal's Madan Bhandari's "Janatako Bahudaliya Janabad" (people's multi-party democracy, India's 'Marxists' (CPIM) also fall under this category. Their ideological foundation is not fundamentally different than that the ideology of the Euro-Communists. So, it would be better to name them - the Nepalese Euro-Communists.
The anti-parliamentary platform is a mechanical mixture of revolution and non-revolution. This platform has been passing through transition. However, the direction of the transition is still not clear. Therefore, it is too early to decide its political philosophy and political line. They could evolve as Maoists or may turn to revisionism. Only available option for any analyst is to wait and see.
The floating platform has power in its center - power within the party, power within the state, power outside the party and power outside the state. This platform has nothing to do with working class interests other than occasionally utilizing their good name as a blanket to cover it when the political weather is too cold.
The above brief analysis leads to the conclusion that the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is no more a Maoist party, nor it is revolutionary. Yes, inside the party there is a strong under -current of Maoism. The revolution in Nepal is in its downward journey and reversal is possible only by applying surgical procedures.
Divash Sharma
The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) had lunched the People's War in 1996 aiming to free the productive forces, establish new democratic governance, strengthen social harmony and support people's culture. The endeavor created momentum immediately after its initiation and galloped in no time to cover the entire territory of the country.
Surprised and bewildered, the western forces together with India took initiatives to quell the rebellion by enhancing the military strengths of the government of Nepal. They got befitting reply from a far inferior military force of the Maoists. Realizing this fact quite early, they devised a soft package too. The ingredient of this package included but not limited to utilizing United Nations and its agencies, international and national human rights agencies, international and national non-government service delivery mechanisms, , media companies , 'civil society' barons and baronesses and council of ambassadors of the western countries stationed in Kathmandu and Delhi. Notwithstanding all their collective acts and actions, the war continued to progress, both in its expansion and intensity. The major arms from the imperialist weaponry did not work that effectively.
The intelligence networks from Washington and New Delhi started to work over time. Besides their regulars, they mobilized a large number of part timers and casual contractors. Academicians and researchers from non-suspecting countries like Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Canada and other smaller European nations were enrolled. Some of them came as research scholars; some came as 'true friends' of the revolutionaries and some came as professionals such as journalists, photographers, etc. Infiltration was their ultimate goal and some of them successfully attained their goal.
Now, one-in-three approach - military strength, soft-package and multi-tunnel intelligence endeavors created a platform and generated synergy to penetrate deep, influence the course from within and harmonize acts to help swallow the slow poison.
From Chunbang onwards, the leadership, otherwise seen determined and resolute, started to show weaknesses, softy-softy attitudes, self-interest drives and hurry to reach to the seat of state power. Their moves from that particular meeting could be termed as unpredictable and opportunistic. The march to Delhi and signing 12 points agreement with the alliance of seven parliamentary parties by utilizing the 'good office' of the Indian government finalized the turn around.
The tactical slogan of the "election of the Constituent Assembly" became a goal in itself. After the election of the assembly, the' Maoists' not only became the largest party, but also graduated as another parliamentary party, particularly after its ideological merger with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). Although, organizationally Unity Center merged with 'Maoist', however, the opposite was true ideologically, which was amply clear by the analysis of the course it charted out as Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). From the date of merger, the Unified Maoist had entered into more complex two line struggle and has still been continuing. The core leadership has splinted into three platforms - parliamentary, anti-parliamentary and floater between the two.
The parliamentary platform is neither secretive nor unethical. They are clear on their goal, role and endeavors. They have committed on their radical reformist agenda and represent the middle class interests. In conventional Marxist terminology, they are national bourgeoisie forces and may be branded as revisionists. However, it may not be true in 21st century context to condemn them out right. They are still friendly forces and could contribute meaningfully provided they are rightly branded. They love to call themselves as communists and represent the interests of the upper classes. The Euro-Communists, Nepal's Madan Bhandari's "Janatako Bahudaliya Janabad" (people's multi-party democracy, India's 'Marxists' (CPIM) also fall under this category. Their ideological foundation is not fundamentally different than that the ideology of the Euro-Communists. So, it would be better to name them - the Nepalese Euro-Communists.
The anti-parliamentary platform is a mechanical mixture of revolution and non-revolution. This platform has been passing through transition. However, the direction of the transition is still not clear. Therefore, it is too early to decide its political philosophy and political line. They could evolve as Maoists or may turn to revisionism. Only available option for any analyst is to wait and see.
The floating platform has power in its center - power within the party, power within the state, power outside the party and power outside the state. This platform has nothing to do with working class interests other than occasionally utilizing their good name as a blanket to cover it when the political weather is too cold.
The above brief analysis leads to the conclusion that the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is no more a Maoist party, nor it is revolutionary. Yes, inside the party there is a strong under -current of Maoism. The revolution in Nepal is in its downward journey and reversal is possible only by applying surgical procedures.
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