Nepal Revolution: The Downward Journey
Divash Sharma
The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) had lunched the People's War in 1996 aiming to free the productive forces, establish new democratic governance, strengthen social harmony and support people's culture. The endeavor created momentum immediately after its initiation and galloped in no time to cover the entire territory of the country.
Surprised and bewildered, the western forces together with India took initiatives to quell the rebellion by enhancing the military strengths of the government of Nepal. They got befitting reply from a far inferior military force of the Maoists. Realizing this fact quite early, they devised a soft package too. The ingredient of this package included but not limited to utilizing United Nations and its agencies, international and national human rights agencies, international and national non-government service delivery mechanisms, , media companies , 'civil society' barons and baronesses and council of ambassadors of the western countries stationed in Kathmandu and Delhi. Notwithstanding all their collective acts and actions, the war continued to progress, both in its expansion and intensity. The major arms from the imperialist weaponry did not work that effectively.
The intelligence networks from Washington and New Delhi started to work over time. Besides their regulars, they mobilized a large number of part timers and casual contractors. Academicians and researchers from non-suspecting countries like Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Canada and other smaller European nations were enrolled. Some of them came as research scholars; some came as 'true friends' of the revolutionaries and some came as professionals such as journalists, photographers, etc. Infiltration was their ultimate goal and some of them successfully attained their goal.
Now, one-in-three approach - military strength, soft-package and multi-tunnel intelligence endeavors created a platform and generated synergy to penetrate deep, influence the course from within and harmonize acts to help swallow the slow poison.
From Chunbang onwards, the leadership, otherwise seen determined and resolute, started to show weaknesses, softy-softy attitudes, self-interest drives and hurry to reach to the seat of state power. Their moves from that particular meeting could be termed as unpredictable and opportunistic. The march to Delhi and signing 12 points agreement with the alliance of seven parliamentary parties by utilizing the 'good office' of the Indian government finalized the turn around.
The tactical slogan of the "election of the Constituent Assembly" became a goal in itself. After the election of the assembly, the' Maoists' not only became the largest party, but also graduated as another parliamentary party, particularly after its ideological merger with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). Although, organizationally Unity Center merged with 'Maoist', however, the opposite was true ideologically, which was amply clear by the analysis of the course it charted out as Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). From the date of merger, the Unified Maoist had entered into more complex two line struggle and has still been continuing. The core leadership has splinted into three platforms - parliamentary, anti-parliamentary and floater between the two.
The parliamentary platform is neither secretive nor unethical. They are clear on their goal, role and endeavors. They have committed on their radical reformist agenda and represent the middle class interests. In conventional Marxist terminology, they are national bourgeoisie forces and may be branded as revisionists. However, it may not be true in 21st century context to condemn them out right. They are still friendly forces and could contribute meaningfully provided they are rightly branded. They love to call themselves as communists and represent the interests of the upper classes. The Euro-Communists, Nepal's Madan Bhandari's "Janatako Bahudaliya Janabad" (people's multi-party democracy, India's 'Marxists' (CPIM) also fall under this category. Their ideological foundation is not fundamentally different than that the ideology of the Euro-Communists. So, it would be better to name them - the Nepalese Euro-Communists.
The anti-parliamentary platform is a mechanical mixture of revolution and non-revolution. This platform has been passing through transition. However, the direction of the transition is still not clear. Therefore, it is too early to decide its political philosophy and political line. They could evolve as Maoists or may turn to revisionism. Only available option for any analyst is to wait and see.
The floating platform has power in its center - power within the party, power within the state, power outside the party and power outside the state. This platform has nothing to do with working class interests other than occasionally utilizing their good name as a blanket to cover it when the political weather is too cold.
The above brief analysis leads to the conclusion that the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is no more a Maoist party, nor it is revolutionary. Yes, inside the party there is a strong under -current of Maoism. The revolution in Nepal is in its downward journey and reversal is possible only by applying surgical procedures.
