Comment posted on www.thenextfront.com

Divash Sharma

The situation in Nepal is very complex now. The revolution has been passing through a phase of set back. Prachnada-Babural clique has really destroyed the gains the revolutionaries had made. They destroyed the people’s army, base areas and united front. In this course, the revolutionaries tried to reverse the process. Even they reorganized CPN – M. However, Kiran and a few other top leaders of the reorganized CPN – M created new road blocks. Now the revolutionaries should understand clearly that they have to go through another phase of party reorganization and should take the leadership from bewildered old guards. From CPI (M)’s assessment also we reach to the same conclusion.

Two line in CPN (M) and the March Pass

Divash Sharma

Personally, I felt overwhelmed by the "March Pass " of the youths in red in Birtamod, the birth place of the Great Jhapa peasant's rebellion. I felt moved and thrilled.

The third phase of the armed class struggle has already been over. The first phase of 1955, Bara Rautahat armed rebellion died in its infancy. The second phase that started in Jhapa in 1971 had met road blocks in 1981 and got disintegrated. The third phase which was initiated in 1996 was the "people's war". It was the most influential class war in the history of Nepal till now. But, this got severe blow in 2006 and became already defunct. We should realize this fact and should accept this truth. Now we have to analyze the reasons for such happening as objectively as possible.

Now, this is the period of the preparation of the fourth phase. Hence, it is only natural that we see fierce two line struggle continuing. "The participation in election" line,and "the boycott of the election" line are standing against each other.

In the past, there were several mistakes as the revolutionaries behaved like a monolithic bunch. They must learn lessons and should conduct the two line struggle till it passes through the process of  political debate that could be conducted within the party and by following the procedures of the party. Pushing people out is not the solution, pushing the wrong line out by taking the debate as ideologically as possible and as politically as possible should be the objective. Hence, allowing debate till it reaches to its logical end should be the general norm.

As far as I believe, the "participate in the election" line is exactly what the UCPN and UML have been following. There is no need of the CPN(M) to carry the same tactic and agenda with the same vague goal. However, the leaders and cadres of the CPN (M) following such line should be given full hearing so as to help them to decide not emotionally but politically and ideologically.

After seeing the "March Pass", the Nepalese people hope that there are seeds germinating for the forth phase of the armed class struggle, this time, may be, arm revolt as the basic nature of our society has been fast changing. 
http://thenextfront.com/?p=2484#comment-1851

Ashok Rai's Interview: Some Comments

Divash Sharma

I watched Mr. Ashok Rai's interview with great interest. (fireside, Kantipur TV).  Politically, his stand on "Federalism with identity of indigenous nationalities" is not only correct but also this is the best solution to address inclusiveness, social justice and democratic practice in a multicultural society, where there are geographical zones historically and settlement-wise identifying with certain nationality/ethnicity. Examples are many. Among them a few are - Limbuvan, Kirat, Nepah, Magarat, Tharuhat, Madhes, Khasan, etc. The Khasas/Bahuns are trying to rephrase the the "Rajya with Jatia Pahichan" into "Jatiya Rajya" and all people should understand this deliberate attempt of ruling nationality/ethnicity.

I have a few suggestions to Mr. Ashok Rai. 1. Please be assertive in your spirit, tone, non-verbals, selection of examples. Please wear a pair of shoes of a highest ranking leader of a national party and not as a functionary of YEMALE. 2. Lear to smile and learn to bring humor. You are addressing thousands of people and they want to listen you comfortably and understandably. 3. Please be clear that you are a socialist party, though some communists could be there very much present. Hence, when approach any issue you please bring socialist perspective into your system of logic. You could be a communist at core or also in form, but the party you head is not. 4. Repeatedly, there is a talk in town that you may merge with YEKIKRIT MAOBADI. That would be the day of your and your party's suiside. YEKIKRIT MAOBADI does not carry positive net-worth, it has a huge negative net-worth and its days of bankruptcy are not that far. Though, it is simply surviving because of its access to power, state resources and residual organizational strengths.

Nepali Revolution and CPN – M: Some Unsolicited Inputs

Nepali Revolution and CPN – M: Some Unsolicited Inputs

Divash Sharma

Since its reorganization, CPN – M has been suffering from absence of clarity in several fronts – political line, organization building, tactic, strategy, etc. The leadership has been showing inconsistencies in their words and practices. It seems that its cadres are in a state of serious confusion and its sympathizers are bewildered. Now, it is high time for CPN – M leadership to clarify, at least, the following points.
1. What the party is going to do?
• re-launching protracted people’s war, or
• limiting to urban mass rebellion or entering into electoral politics and functioning as parliamentary political force, or
• talking absurd and moving to slow process of natural death
2. What type of party the leadership intends to build?
• a mass organization like Nepali Congress, or
• a cadre based reformist organization like UCPN (M) or CPN (UML), or
• a revolutionary party like the CPN (M) of yesteryear
3. What tactic the party is going to concentrate on?
• re-election of the Constituent Assembly and establishing a reformist regime, or
• launching mass movements and armed struggle in appropriate time so as to prepare ground for establishing a new democratic state, or
• simply talk all and act none, follow the road easily available
4. Is the party just reactive or proactive?
• just oppose what reactionaries or reformists do, or
• Just inform people about their rights and duties and difficulties and miseries, or
• Organize people, create hope among them, launch struggles and align all efforts to the direction of the larger cause with thoughtfully planned strategic orientation
Playing between revolution and non-revolution, between causes and effects, between one set of equilibrium and another set of deliverable could be understandable as relative and temporary phenomenon. However, strategically, these ‘play-betweens’ could result in total and irreversible decay of strengths, energy and even existence. Hence, clarity is what the CPN – M leadership needs to find out, right now. The natural next step would be to align all strengths, energy and endeavors to that course. Certainly, the factors of vital importance to ensure such alignment include identifying appropriate political, ideological and operational lines and practicing accordingly.

http://thenextfront.com/?p=2125#comment-1409

Nepal Inching Towards Dictatorship

Nepal Inching Towards Dictatorship

Divash Sharma

Authoritarianism starts with propagation of absolute negativism about existing political values, beliefs and practices. Generally, it targets the softer sides of a system to start the destruction process. In the second step, it initiates campaign to discrediting its opposition political parties. In extreme situation or at its prime stage, it bans their activities or even such parties. Bureaucracy is its primary target as a vehicle to implement what it wants to implement. The core function of the authoritarian organization or an individual is to make the military loyal to it either by ideological indoctrination or by bribing through 'legal' or illegal incentives. Hence, to completing a cycle of establishing an authoritarian regime takes quite a long time.

The authoritarian regimes are that of two types – openly declared class states such as communist party governed regimes and the other mix-pack regimes such as Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany etc. The first types are predictable about their course of action including their goals, line, programs, strategies and tactics. If they capture the state power, they will go by the rules of the game, generally. This had been seen in the Soviet Union and China. Much has been talked about this phenomenon and the information is abundantly available about its nature, functions and course. Hence, in this brief discussion, I will examine the second type of authoritarian regimes nature and face in Nepal also by looking at the broader international picture.

The Fascists in Italy used mass rebellion and terrorized authorities to capture the state power. The Nazis used election, a more legitimate way, to capture state power. In Zimbabwe, ZANU-PF organized its own force to overthrow the White rule and used the same force to introduce and continue its authoritarian regime. Although, they adopted three different methods to capture state power, they had the same nature, face and characteristics when they implemented their plans.
The fascists, Nazis and ZANU-PF had the organization they mobilized to implement the decisions made by the chief architect of their organization. Mussolini, Hitler and Mugabe were the sole decision makers of their respective parties or movements. Hence, there is an all powerful dictator at the helm in this type of authoritarianism.

Now, let us examine the situation in Nepal briefly.

The history of Nepal is that of the history of authoritarian regimes. It is probably natural that during the early time of newly unified Nepal in the Eighteenth century, a militarist feudal regime emerged. That was dominated by Shah Kings and their courtiers. They were marginalized afterward and a powerful Rana aristocracy ruled Nepal with iron fist. They were again replaced by the Shaha Kings in 1950. Though there was a period of political anarchy called multi-party system from 1950 to 1959, the real power was with the King and he effectively took over. The Kings ruled for another 30 years with full play of authoritarianism. In 1990, the King was marginalized and in 2008 he was removed and a period of political anarchy has been continuing since 1990. This is also known as multi-party system in form, whereas in substance, it is also an anarchies regime of a corrupt lot of 'political leaders'. This is some form of disguised authoritarianism.

Now, the picture is getting clearer.

The Maoists had started a war for the liberation of working class people in 1996. They had cultivated and distributed the imaginary buds of roses. The people, particularly the youths in the country side were thrilled. They had a dream - a dream of emancipation, freedom, prosperity and happiness. They lined up to get recruited as party cadres, people's army soldiers and activists of class organizations and interest groups. The Maoist party grew in geometrical proportion. And, its leaders became new Gods in the traditional Nepali society. Finally, the leaders at the top wanted to march to the seat of power in Kathmandu taking the shortest route. They discovered that path too and started worshiping the Indian hegemonic power to get blessing from them.

In a very secretive way, the top leaders of the Unified Maoist party made arrangement with the Indian establishment that they will better serve Indian interest than anybody else in Nepal. With some "give and take', they reached to an understanding that Prachanda-Baburam will get freedom in running Nepal's administrative and financial  institutions and will abide by Indian decisions regarding Nepal's political developments, larger security arrangements and the issues related to natural resources and foreign affairs. In this way, India created another Bhutan in its periphery and Prachanda-Baburam willingly accepted to play the role of the agent-implementer of this design. The letter they sent in 2002 to Indian government was its beginning and that matured in 2006 with signing the India-brokered 'Comprehensive Agreement'. Moreover, the marriage between the Unified Maoists and the ruling Madhesi parties and the formation of Baburam's government started to deliver what India wanted.

The authoritarianism that had targeted to subverting state institutions as Unified Maoist's  fiefdom, weakening the mechanisms that create a balance of power, behaving as if they themselves are the state and being prosecutor, judge and jailer themselves; the Unified Maoists in general and Prachanda-Baburam in particular have grown as full-fledged rulers in Nepal. Their modus operandi is simple and clear – function as an agent-implementer of India made decisions, rule as dictator in Nepal and accumulate wealth as much as possible for rainy days that may come as every dictator has a bad end. Thus, we are seeing all sorts of strange dramas including that of election. Now, we are seeing Egypt. Morsi took strange path to turn to a dictator. No legal means could dethrone him. The same is true in Nepal's case too. After a brief power struggle between Prachanda and Baburam, the later will emerge as victorious as he has the blessings of India. India knows that Prachanda is the most unreliable person and will not put its weight behind him. When, Baburam defeats Prachanda, the full course of the emergence of a dictator in Nepal will be completed.

The Nepali people have no option left other than staging total rebellion. That rebellion could take any form. The difficult days in the past are gone, more difficult recent days are also turning to be the past and the most difficult time is waiting for us. Let's prepare for that most difficult time and motivate ourselves to stay on the course resolutely as the Egyptian people are going through right now. Rebellion, rebellion and rebellion are the only three options the Nepali people should choose from.

Some Comments on Com. Gaurav's article on The Next Front

I read Com. Gaurav’s article with great interest. The article addresses many immediate issues. However, it fails to offer strategic orientation, critical look of changed reality of the Nepalese society and state and the sketch of the road that the Nepali revolution will marches through from now on. Hopping that Com. Gaurav will look into these critically important issues and will provide his perspective and that of CPN – M; I have offered my input, below, for further discussion.

1. In reality, the Constituent Assembly was a tactical instrument and a temporary resting place to stay for a while before continuing the next phase of the journey. This arrangement fits with the larger scheme of the revolutionary journey. What happened was a normal outcome of a normal course, nothing strange. The CA was there to disappear either prematurely or by giving birth to a working class-unfriendly constitution at the most. Hence, no tears should be shed for its demise. In a class society and during the period of class war, it is a normal phenomenon. The revolutionaries should not stick to repeat the course that already has lost its usefulness. Now, CA is the problem of the forces of status quo, not that of revolutionaries. Hence, CA could not be a tactical line from now on.

2. When contradiction among and between reactionary leaders intensifies; a revolutionary party should utilize that opportunity to promote the cause of revolution. The business of dog fight among the ruling parties, when they are anti-people is a useful opportunity for promoting the base, speed and infrastructure of mass movement and that of protracted people’s war.

3. The nature of Nepali society should be an issue of intense debate. Here, the society has a good mix of capitalism and feudalism. I think, this is a capitalist society with still heavy influence and presence of feudal relation of production (but not dominant), values and practices. However, the society has already been tilted towards capitalist mode of production, values and practices. Hence, a deeper research and analysis is what we should go for, instead of repeating the convenient phrase of ‘semi feudal’. However, the path of new democratic revolution is still valid and that would include mass rebellion at the second part of the revolution. This would be a mix of Soviet and Chinese ways. As the society is in transition, the path of revolution also should include both ways into one and blend them as a single whole.

4. We are not just semi-colonial country either. The pattern and character of relationship between and among states have changed. Now, imperialism has changed its modes operandi. It uses capital investment (FDI), INGOs/NGOs, multi-laterals including UN system agencies, bilateral agencies, human rights groups, special interest mechanisms and instruments, etc. to dominate other countries and rule over them more indirectly and covertly. Direct attacks have become exceptional and interferences through proxies are common. Similarly, hegemonic powers also have changed their way of doing things. Now it primarily operates through client regimes and agents. Here too, we need to understand the changed reality through comprehensive political research. For the time being, I think, it may better reflect the reality if we say Nepal as a client regime of Indian ruling clique and play ground of forces of imperialism, more particularly, which operates through INGOs/NGOs. Hence, the main contradiction now is the contradiction between the people and the client regime including both the agents in Nepal and their masters outside. We could not oppose hegemonism and imperialism without opposing their agents – the client regime and agencies here in Nepal.

5. United Front and its role in revolution may not be class – neutral. Hence, the United Front, the CPN – M has been leading or is part of; should be judged taking its class orientation as a major criterion. The formation, now, sounds a loose network of opposition groups and parties formed to address a tactical need, rather than a strategic organizational instrument of change.

http://thenextfront.com/?p=2539#comment-1405

Counter Revolution in Nepal

Divash Sharma


There are three stages of counter revolution in Nepal.




Stage One starts from Chunbang and ends at 12-point Delhi Agreement.



Stage Two starts from Delhi Agreement and ends at ‘Comprehensive Peace Agreement’ between parliamentary ruling forces represented by the then Girija government and revisionist forces represented by Prachanda-Baburam & Co.



Stage Three starts from the ‘Comprehensive Agreement’ and it has been still ongoing.



The organized, planned, motivated and structured inception of the counter revolutionary political line was proposed in Chunbang. The revolutionaries too during that time either advocated the line that made counter revolutionary course possible or they maintained silence. This gave green signal to counter revolutionaries to move forward.



During the period of 12 point Delhi Agreement too; there was much less resistance by the revolutionaries to that counter revolutionary coup.



During the time of the ‘Comprehensive Agreement’ too, they had not effectively resisted the move that practically started the process of disarming and demobilizing the PLA.



Hence, the CPN – M leadership must accept their grave mistakes, half-measures and submissiveness. Even now, they are giving confusing signals. Sometimes, it sounds that they have been suffering from the double-speak syndrome of Prachanda-Baburam & Co.



Blames, half-measures, passing conflicting/confusing signals and total lack of assertiveness may neither help CPN -M leadership to gain strengths, nor it will contribute to rebuild revolutionary structures including the party, army and joint fronts, nor it will help to mobilize masses, nor it will contribute to strengthen international communist movement.



Irrespective of his/her intention and representation of certain interests, I agree with arua that just criticizing Prachanda-Baburam & Co may not work. It is certainly one aspect, but making your house clean by accepting weaknesses, failures and mistakes and providing a course that ensures rebuilding of revolutionary course in Nepal are more important.

http://thenextfront.com/?p=2495#comment-1365

NGOs/INGOs - a Comment

The comments above by Jiwan Kumar need attention as in the case of Nepal, soft-gun (read money, foreign travel, luxuries) approach of the imperialist powers has become very successful. America used Asia Foundation and many other INGOs/NGOs to by individual political leaders of the then ML (afterwards UML) to its fold. Europeans utilized human rights agencies/interest groups such as FOFUR, INSEC, C-VICT, CWIN, RRN and like these agencies to help degenerate social activists and through them the UML leaders. Now, UML has become a social democratic party.




US and European governments utilize their resources cost effectively by mobilizing INGOs/NGOs, bilateral and multilaterals. The general trend is that use soft-gun whenever it is useful, use threat through UN and its system agencies when needed and use direct pressure/force when these soft-options do not work. Therefore, INGOs/NGOs, UN/UN system agencies, Breton woods agencies, western bilateral agencies all have become the instruments of subjugation. These are the new weapons in the arsenal of imperialism of 21st century.




UCPN (M) also falls pray of the soft-gun approach and now become their partner. Hence, CPN-M should come out with comprehensive policy towards these agencies, particularly on INGOs/NGOs. Regarding UN/Un system agencies, Breton woods institutions and bilateral agencies, they should adopt policies on case basis - neither total negation nor subjugation.



However, a meaningful debate on this issue is a very important task for them who are involved in the revolution in 21st century.

http://thenextfront.com/?p=2477#comment-1205

India's Client Regime in Kathmandu Gravely Hurts Nepal

Divash Sharma

In recent past, particularly since the mass movement of 2006, India has created a situation where its influence dominated every aspects of governance in Nepal. The 12-point agreement signed in Delhi was the beginning of a new departure point in Nepal - India relation. The then seven-party-alliance and the then Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) got not only Indian political guidance but also logistics including coordinating meetings and providing substantial input in drafting the agreement.  Even some critiques suspect that the drafting was out-sourced to India by Nepalese side and simply the fortunate Nepali sides got ready to sign the final product, which they happily did. Anyway, India played dominant role during the time of drafting and signing this agreement. Since then, in every major event in Nepal, there is some sort of Indian involvement.

India very well knew from the beginning that it needs a client regime in Nepal. Here, some explanation is needed about the nature and scope of work of a client regime. After the Indo-Pak war of 1947, India annexed part of Kashmir controlled by its forces by creating some sort of legitimacy in the form of 'consent' of the nominal ruler of Kashmir, Hari Singh. On the other side, Pakistan founded a client regime under Sardar Mohammed Ibrahim Khan by designating him as 'President of Azad Kashmir'.

The 'Azad Kashmir Government' signed an agreement with Pakistan in 1949. The agreement is popularly known as "The Karachi Agreement". Through this agreement, 'Azad Kashmir Government' handed over the important state functions of Kashmir to Pakistani authorities. These functions included "defence, foreign policy, negotiations with the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan, publicity in foreign countries and in Pakistan, co - ordination and arrangement of relief and rehabilitation of refugees, co - ordination of publicity in connection with plebiscite, all activities within Pakistan regarding Kashmir such as procurement of food, civil supplies, running of refugee camps and medical aid and all affairs of Gilgit - Ladakh under the control of Political Agent" (Karachi Agreement 1949). Now, anybody could understand what roles are left for 'Azad Kashmir Government'. If anybody is interested in details, googling "Karachi Agreement 1949" could be beneficial. The 'Azad Kashmir Government' is still there at Muzaffarabad. This is a glaring example of a client regime.

India colonized parts of Kashmir. Also, it provided voting rights to Kashmiri people at par to any other Indian and 'merged' parts of Kashmir into India. However, Pakistan created a client regime and ruled over them without any accountability towards them. There is no Kashmir as Kashmir in India; there are no Kashmiris as Kashmiris in Pakistan. Hence, both are unjustifiable arrangements but of different types.

The arrangements between Pakistan and its client regime in Muzaffarabad are well written. However, India has not done and could not do the same as the time is different, so is the space. Therefore, the forms are different in Kashmir and Nepal. However, the nature and content are similar to each other, if not exactly the same.  Hence, there is need of examining India's objectives and expectations from its client regime in Kathmandu. These objectives and expectations include but not limited to the following critical areas.

• Securing Nepal-India board, keeping eye on Nepal-China boarder, observing movements regarding international arrivals and departures via air routes and getting extradition treaty signed so as to arrange access to India’s terror suspects including Pakistanis in Nepal. This is the item-wise break down of India’s much talked about security perceptions.

• Getting away with or at least maintaining the status queue regarding anti-India sentiment among Nepali people.  This is what India talks loud about India’s willingness for Nepal’s progress and spreads ‘seeds of goodwill’ in the form of small grants to schools, communities and other smaller institutions.

• Getting hold over Nepal’s water resources and getting unrestricted access of its products and services to Nepal. India has encouraged Indian private or public sector companies for securing water resources and expanding networks to Nepali market. It has already controlled many large water projects and the Koshi high dam (Sapta Koshi High Dam Multipurpose Project and Sun Koshi Storage cum Diversion Scheme) heads its priority list now. Also, BIPPA has created platform for expansion of its production networks in Nepal, if it desires so.

• Providing Nepal a pair of shoes, which Nepal wears and follows India in any strategic or critical journey that India makes in the international arena.

The mass movement of 2006 provided India a unique opportunity as there was a most unpopular king as the target of the movement; dethroned, weak and unpopular parliamentary parties were struggling for their very existence and a powerful but vulnerable Maoist party led by its ambitious leaders of middle class origin was standing at the crossroads. Without any delay, India jumped into the situation by bringing a few tankers loaded with petroleum, a few tankers with nutritious juice and a few tankers with plain water. Seeing the tankers loaded with petroleum; the king rushed to his lavatory. The malnourished parliamentary parties lined up for the juice and the ready-to-cross-the-floor Maoist leaders cooled down with the plain water. As a result, the king watered down; the seven-party-alliance was formed and they made contractual arrangement with the Maoist leaders. Finally, a client regime came into existence under the leadership of the ‘great’ Girija Prasad Koirala. After Girija Prasad Koirala, three more leaders offered their services to India according to the best of their abilities and statures. From everyone, India got something. Now, another  leader is serving India as one of the most valuable collaborator.The former Indian Ambassador to Nepal Shyam Saran told recently that India intervened to save General Rukmangud Katawal to preserve the professionalism of Nepal Army. (http://www.ekantipur.com/2012/07/28/top-story/india-intervened-in--katawal-case-sharan/357832.html) This is enough to understand the gravity of the intervention. When a foreign country could influence the appointment or retention of an Army Chief, we could easily understand how Nepal has been running its business. A friend of mine emailed me this morning stating that, “I am not a hydrophobic anti-India activist. However, Saran's revelation made me feeling powerless and insecure”. The Nepali state has lost its sovereign power to make decisions together with its glory, status and manoeuvrability.

As Patriotic Nepali citizens, we should do not blame India primarily for all ills that we have. Promoting and protecting its national interest is a legitimate right of India. However, we should oppose Indian design that does not respect Nepal’s sovereign rights as an independent nation. Moreover, it has established a client regime in Nepal that is absolutely unacceptable. Hence, the client regime should be defeated and replaced by a regime which is committed to Nepali cause.

The Nepali patriotic forces should define their own objectives. A few vitally important ones are mentioned below.

• Protect national boarders in all directions that include international airports. Take charge of national security.

• Maintain patriotic alertness and be prepared to oppose when and where Nepali sovereign rights are challenged.

• Protect Nepali national resources and exploit them on the best interest of Nepal by mobilizing local, bilateral or multilateral resources, skills and technologies. Keep business environment friendlier to indigenous enterprises, skills and technologies to make Nepal prosperous.

• Take firm stand in any international forum by maintaining independence and protecting Nepali interests.

The primary obstacle in the way of attaining the above mentioned objectives is not India but it is its client regime in Kathmandu. This regime from the very day of its inception has been continuously injuring Nepal gravely. Hence, defeating and replacing the present client regime has become a precondition. All democratic, progressive, patriotic and nationalist forces should come together to launch a decisive movement to protect Nepali national sovereignty and independence and to create a way out from the disastrous situation that Nepal is in now. If people want to end the Indian proxy rule, they have to effectively end the client regime system that has been continuing quite for some time in Nepal.

=====================================================================
Note: The article was also posted on www.thehimalayanvoice.com on August 04, 2012. The following thoughtful comment had been posted on the same blogsite. I have reposted the comment below and thank The Himalayan Voice.

COMMENT
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Madhukar <madhukarsjbrana@gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Aug 4, 2012 at 8:31 PM
Subject: Re: INDIA'S CLIENT REGIME IN KATHMANDU GRAVELY HURTS NEPAL
To: The Himalayan Voice <himalayanvoice@gmail.com>

The hope and grounds for a sovereign, independent Nepal lies surely in the hearts and minds of our youth today. Let us pray that they enter politics with this spirit and mindset to expunge the older party leaders that are part and parcel of this shameful and hurtful client regime that the author speaks of so passionately.

In addition to his excellent action points we need to underscore the need for a strong managerial civil service free of political leverage; the creation of an autonomous National Intelligence Agency mandated by the Constitution along with a National Security Council -- that is much broader than the present dysfunctional NSC.

Last but not the least we, need to set up National Economic Council (NEC) to debate and deliberate on the economic dimensions  of national interest and guide all planning agencies at all levels of governance. Dismantle the current National Planning Commission and have it, if felt needed, as part of the PMO to advise the political party/parties in power. Presently, the NPC is a political body that is victimized by policy paradigms laid out by the donor nations and institutions.

The proposed NEC must subscribe to the philosophy and principles of people-private-public pragmatic - partnerships to garner political, economic and social spaces to the spirit of enterprise and entrepreneurship for a prosperous, developed and independent Nepal.

Reforming the Nepal Police towards making it a community police force (CPF) while strengthening the Armed Police Force to include border security, industrial security, highway security and infrastructure security are vital, strategic musts.

Thank you for this patriotic article. Let's keep the debate on to rid ourselves of our client state mindset and leaders once in for all

Madhukar SJB Rana,
Kathmandu, Nepal.

Reply to Mr. Mdhukar SJB Rana

Dear Mr. Rana,




I read your thoughtful comments though quite after a long time you posted. I agree with the important issues related to economic restructuring and governance you have raised.

Now, Nepal has been facing dangers from its rulers and their foreign conductors. In this critical juncture, being silent also is a criminal act. Hence, individually or collectively, we must express ourselves whichever way we could.

The leaders, particularly from the big parties are lining up as India's Team "A", "B" and "C". Now, Prachnada-Baburam &Co together with the opportunist leaders from Madhes stands as Team A, NC & Co as Team B and UML & Co as Team C. All of them are competing against each other. It sounds that an Indian Domestic Political League is in action in Nepal.

Sometime ago, a friend of mine told, "We are much unfortunate than the Sikkimis as Sikkimis at least have been represented at the highest level of Indian legislative, the parliament. But, we are governed by the agents and we do not have any presence at that level. We are ruled without representation. Hence, we are living in a colony." I am not sure. However, he has his point.

Now, options are quite limited. If the progressive, democratic, nationalist and inclusive federalist forces come together; they could challenge these Indian puppets. I believe, we could and should contribute to promote and strengthen such forces. By our actions, which include writing, speeches, art works, agitations, advocacy, campaigns etc, let's encourage them to come together and to challenge and to end the misrule, loot and anarchy of the ruling political sub-contractors.

Best regards

Divash

Change of Images of Leaders and Perceptions of People

Divash Sharma

In a span of short time of six years only, the popular perception about Nepal's several personalities has gotten changed tremendously. The heroes have now turned into somewhat different; if not outright villains. Those actors perceived as in negative roles earlier have now become able to transform themselves as more acceptable personalities. In substance, the positions and roles have changed and so have the actors also. Many champions of 'republicanism' and democracy are now considered as corrupt and power hungry agents of alien actors. The societal attitudes about them have changed so radically and dramatically !


Let’s see some of the changed images of a few personalities. Let’s start with UPCN (M) as it is the “flavour of the month”. Pushpa Kamal Dahal the highly revered “Messiah of Revolution” is perceived now as a petty power broker. The public opinion about him has turned at least 160 degrees, if not 190 towards dark. Once considered an ideal is now seen as one of the most unreliable, unpredictable and luxury- laden foxes in town. This is a sea-change of people’s perception today.

The second in line is his deputy, Baburam Bhattarai. People were so positive about him that they blindly supported him. He was considered as the best qualified person to bring Nepal into the path of progress from ruins. People believed him as an intellectual par excellence. There was some short of euphoria when he got the top job in the country - the chair of the prime minister. However, within a year of that very rosy day, Nepal slid into further anarchy and he is now seen no more than a ‘power-glued parasite’.

Let’s see some other pictures in some other fronts. The media now has been seen as provider of entertainments rather than that of information. However, people used to consider Kishore Nepal, one of Nepal's finest journalists, as generally as information collector, processor, analyzer and deliverer also. Really, he was a good journalist for many and for some he was a journalist of majestic height. Now, after joining Nagarik Daily, he has converted himself into Babu Ram Bhattrai’s laundryman. Strange!


Similarly, Dr. Sundar Mani Dixit, the brilliant physician with great virtues has converted himself into an honorary guard of Babu Ram Bhattrai and Pushpa Kamal’s joint venture. Nir Shah, C. K. Lal, Yuv Raj Lama, etc. are some other examples.

There are many who have already tarnished their images due to their supresser’s role during 1990s. They continued to remain with the same bad images or a bit darker images. Nearly all the main leaders of Nepali Congress Party and CPN (UML) Party belong to this category. Two possible exceptions could be Congress' Sushil Koirala and CPN (UML)'s Amrit Bohara.


The former Panchas including Surya Bahadur Thapa, Pashupati Shumsher Rana and Prakash Chandra Lohani have much finer and better images now. Kamal Thapa has emerged as the most active and influential leader of the radical right. Gyanendra Shah also has a far better image than what he used to have six years ago


People like to hear more from some of the intellectuals also. The list includes the names of Rishi Raj Baral, Krishna Bhattachan, Bhimarjun Acharya, Mumaram Khanal and Surendra K. C. Likewise retired Nepal Army Chief Rukmangad Katawal is another person, whom people like to listen. Recently, he emerged as one among a few influential opinion makers. His political activism, though untested, is interesting to watch.

There are some personalities still with positive images or a few new personalities with positive images have emerged. The names in this category include that of Ram Bahadur Thapa Badal, Chitra Bahadur K. C., Ram Baran Yadav, Gokarna Bista, Chitra Lekha Yadav, Pampha Bhusal, etc.

Chitra Bahadur K. C., Surendra K. C. and Kamal Thapa oppose federalism either in form or in the essence but they have certain degree of integrity in their conduct. Surya Bahadur Thapa, Pashupati Sumsher Rana and Prakash Chandra Lohani represent the old school of thought. Rukmangud Katawal is a new comer in the business or in other words in politics and opinion making. Gyanendra Shah represents the past at present. Ram Bahadur Thapa Badal, Ram Baran Yadav, Chitra Lekha Yadav and Gakarna Bista are not the birds of same feather. The same applies to Bhimarjun Acharya, Krishna Bhattachan and Rishi Raj Baral also.

However, their net worth is growing or has been continuing as positive or has turned to positive in perceptions of the people. Therefore, this phenomenon is cross-political and cross-ideological. May be this is somewhat temporary, but is certainly a new reality. On the other side, the rulers of today including Pushpa Kamal and Babu Ram Bhattarai are competing with the rulers of yesterday - in area of decreasing popularity. This is another reality. This is a strange phenomenon. Nepal is now in upheavals, so are the personalities also.

CPN - M and Confusing Signals

Now, the most important tasks for the revolutionaries in Nepal include but not limited to the points mentioned below.

a) Crystallizing, consolidating and communicating revolutionary politics, political line, first strategic milestone and tactics, and also finding out ways and means to reconnect the disjointed revolutionary course.

b) Reorganizing the revolutionary communist party in Maoist tradition, standards and values.

c) Mobilizing the party, its organizational instruments and masses to address issues that have been creating problems in areas of people’s livelihood and societal transformation. Revolution progresses in stages and installments and becomes a single whole in relatively a longer period of time.

d) The question of nationalism and patriotism is crucial for Nepal. Raising awareness, creating environment and fighting for strengthening Nepali sovereignty are very important. This mission should be taken as a continuous process and it must not be a rhetorical exercise.

e) In the course, the party should revisit its past, review relations and work with larger international proletarian communities and their vanguards. While doing this, COMPOSA, RIM, etc may come into focus and their revival or reactivation could happen quite naturally.

But, right now, the reorganized CPN – M is not going through a process that makes it a vanguard of Nepalese people. Visiting reactionary temples such as Shital Nivas (President Ram Bran Yadav’s residence) and a majestic Lazimpat bungalow (Prachanda’s new palace) will not help the cause of Nepalese revolution. Recently, we have seen several confusing signals from the CPN – M.

Still, there is time to clarify the cloud. People will wait giving benefit of doubt. However, the morning has not heralded the beginning of a sunny day. Comrade Kiran and CPN-M should read the writings on the wall and should move quickly to clear the confusions. Otherwise, people themselves will take out from the confusions that Comrade Kiran and CPN-M have created. Naturally, after the party congress in December or January, the waiting period will be finally over.http://thenextfront.com/?p=2357#comment-837

Uncertain Nepali Political Courses

The analysis here presents the objective reality as it is on the ground. Moreover, the top political leaders of all major parties have become notoriously anarchic. They are now the target where people wish through stones.

The state apparatus is more corrupt, more corrupt than it was during Panchayati rule. Everywhere, thugs attached to state mechanism are ready to jump to grab whatever is available. Inflation has been ever going up. People are desperately waiting for an alternative to emerge that could through away this anarchy of political thugs. In this situation, it is easy to conclude that the contradiction between the masses and the reactionary ruling elites is galloping to reach to its optimal point.

Now, there could be new courses that would take place very soon. Either the society will see regressive change or ill go for progressive change. At this moment, there are two viable forces to command such political courses. The first course, the regressive course could be led by some former Panchayati leaders or Generals or royals. Analysing the availability of such leaders and amalgamation of such forces, General Rukmangad Katawal could lead such force as he has a strong backing in the Nepal army. Former royal could contribute financial resources and former Panchas could provide political infrastructure for this course. Thus, the regressive camp could stage political come back at the cost of present day thugs. If they will snatch state power, particularly after September 2012 when a new General will take control of the Army, the political thugs will have no face to show as they would have finished themselves as credible politician after another extension of CA and people will be at boiling point; even the regressive take over will see its welcome. India and the US will provide some cover up for such take over and that would be the end of the realm of present day political thugs. This would be good news but just for a day or two. The people will lose once again and will start sufferings under a more coercive regime. On the other side, the revolutionaries, if they will seize opportunities and will go back to people, get them organized, reorganize PLA, create united front and re-launch the revolutionary tempest, it will provide new hope, new synergy and new option.

In practice, if the revolutionaries within Unified Maoist Party take decisive step, reorganize the party with or without Kiran, get united with Matrika led party and Mani group, form united front with different nationalities’ organizations and mobilize the masses, Nepali society will see the beginning of a decisive phase of Nepali revolution. But, the leaders including comrade Basanta are ready for such course? This is a million dollar question.Comrade Basanta has rightly analysed the past and has presented the present situation with some critical perspective, but what he will say for people who are at the boiling point of frustration, anger and hardship? Should they read revolutionary leaders and do nothing? Should they continue suffering under the anarchic rule of present day political thugs? Should they line up behind General Katawal? Or, they could have option made available by the progressives and revolutionaries? Please tell the people what they should do?

Comments on the Baidya-Badal's Appeal to PLA

Divash Sharma

Kamaraditya is right when he says that just appeal would not be enough. What the revolutionary platform within the UCPN (M) wants to achieve and what course they would select? They might have the following options available.

1. Course Correction: Chunabang was the departure point from where the present two courses originated in their present forms. Through surgical process, the revolutionaries could disconnect them from the revisionist/liquidationist line of Prachanda-Baburam faction. This would made the course corrected and would reignite the tactical revolutionary line, spirit and actions.

2. Continue Grumbling and submerge within the revisionist course: Making death, somehow, normal and natural, the revolutionaries could continue grumbling and the death waiting them would take them on its lap. Staying together with Prachanda-Baburam camp for a longer period of time would result in digesting the revolutionaries by that camp and the impact would be more fertilizer for strengthening regression.

3. Retire and stop being misleading to yourselves/to others: Rather than being a part of the process that has been destroying the revolutionary path, gains, hopes and structure; retire. The retirement would give you peace of mind and others would understand the reality that though you attempted but failed. They would consider your retirement as one MOST important act that did not mislead people.

When the revolutionaries decide their course of action, their acts would follow in line with. Option 2 and 3, simply ask non-actions, whereas the first action needs action, thinking, courage, commitment and many more. This would be the historic decision and would invite sacrifice. If you are ready to sacrifice, you have every right to ask for sacrifice from the PLA. Your two-liners may not do wonders if you are still under thick cloud. If the revolutionaries would go for clear break, in that case they may ask the PLA to go for any of the following available options.

1. Rebel: Go back to your nest. Ye have made sacrifices in the past, continue your historic tradition. We have formed our vanguard now. Let’s reassemble around it.

2. Be pragmatic: Collect cash opting for “vol.ret.”, use it for meeting the dire needs of your families, join revolution and strengthen the recreated PLA.

3. Go by your choice, please never harm the baby, “the revolution”, you gave birth and you nurtured so dearly. Be aware of Prachanada-Baburam’s harmful acts and deeds.

Now, there is one simple question to the revolutionary platform – when will you finally decide your future course? Now? After some months? Never?

Posted on www.thenextfront.com

Three Villains Who Harmed Nepal Most

Divash Sharma

Since 1950, after overthrowing the Rana regime, Nepalese people have been dreaming a dream of peaceful, prosperous, civilized and technologically advance Nepal.

During 1950s, the chances of Nepal taking speed in all these areas were really high. However, a villain poured cold water on all aspirations of people. He was an autocratic King, infamously known as Mahendra Shah. He snatched all powers in a coup d’état in 1960 and introduced one party system called Panchayat. Civil rights, human rights, freedom of associations, plural political exercises, all were banned and he ruled Nepal with iron fist. The one party system he introduced lasted till 1990 killing several hundred people and imprisoning and suppressing thousands. Although, the totalitarian system he introduced was defeated, his sons entered into a power sharing arrangement and continued to hang on somewhere till 2006. Mahendra was one of the key villains in modern Nepal who held Nepal back. He was a tyrant. However, he took some important steps in areas of physical infrastructure building including Birgung-Kathmandu, Kodari-Kathmandu and East-West highways. He was instrumental in expanding education foundation by supporting to establish several hundred schools, some colleges and a university. He also legally abolished untouchability and eliminated the caste based penal code. In economic front, he initiated public sector enterprises to support industrialization and cater facilities in areas of greater need. In international front, he aligned Nepal with non-aligned movement, stood for equidistance between power blocks and powerful neighbors including America and Soviet Union and between India and China. However, his contributions were too little in comparison to his crimes committed against Nepali people, particularly suppressing them politically and intellectually. Hence, Mahendra as a tyrant will be listed as one of the major villains Nepal, whereas he will also be credited as an initiator of some development endeavors.

The infamous Panchayat system was overthrown as the result of three decades long heroic struggle of people. Several historic political initiatives contributed in the down fall of the tyrannical system. It would be worth mentioning the armed struggle launched by the Nepali Congress during 1960s, the Jhapa rebellion of 1970s and its continuation by the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) during 1980s, the militant students’ and workers’ movements and several popular uprisings including the uprising of 1979 that forced the regime to declare referendum and the people’s movement of 1989-90 that succeeded in overthrowing the Panchayat system, are a few important ones. Although, the people’s movement defeated Panchayat, it ended in a compromise that retained the monarchy in a bit different form. The movements and elections after the change of 1990 gave birth to new heroes and new villains. Not a single hero survived politically to lead the change process positively and constructively. However, several leaders projected as heroes converted themselves into villains. The tallest among these new converts was Girija Prasad Koirala. The more he survived physically the greater he accumulated the negative wealth and stood tallest among villains. Barring his history of long struggle against the tyrannical Panchayat system, his personal quality of determination and courage and his ability to reaching out even to diehard opponents; he was a garbage truck. Also, there were corruptions previously in public life, however Girija Prasad institutionalized it and introduced corrupt practices as a general rule rather than exceptions. He could be addressed as the “Father of Corruption in Modern Nepal.” His nepotism and cronyism of unparallel nature, scale and intensity would be remembered for a longtime to come. He is primarily responsible for creating a sandy base, which made Nepal now vulnerable, unstable, anarchic and ungovernable.

When Girija Prasad Koirala departed initially politically and afterward physically, his political successor appeared. He was none other than Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the charismatic chairman of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), (UPCN (M). People had high hopes from him as he had led the decade-long civil war putting forward the agenda that there would be a new Nepal - a prosperous, civilized, egalitarian, developed and shinning Nepal. More than 13000 people had been killed by either side during the civil war and the hopes and aspirations after such a big sacrifice should be naturally high. When, the UCPN (M) took over the leadership of the government, there was some sort of euphoria. Jubilation was the flavor of the time. Gradually, frustrations shadowed hopes, anger brushed off cool expectations, turmoil replaced serenity and a different Pushpa Kamal came out from the thick cloud. The Pushpa Kamal appeared second time had some characters of Mahendra as he sounded highly intolerant to opposing voices, and he had some characters of Girija Prasad as he was a master money maker. Moreover, he was highly unstable and super ambitious. He wanted everything revolving around him – politics, party, parliament and government. He primarily lacked statesmanship, transparency and commitment to any cause other than his personal agenda of nepotism and cronyism. He contributed to create a mess so as to swim on it and to ensure his endeavors rewarding himself. By utilizing his party apparatus, he accumulated wealth and made himself a new financial Czar. However, he killed his charisma, respect, reputation and personality. Moreover, as a turncoat, he betrayed the cause of building a shinning Nepal and degenerated himself to a petty power broker. A leader of majestic height died politically and made Nepal suffering immensely in the process.

Nepal suffered a lot due to roles played by these three notorious villains.

Some Comments on UCPN (M) and Transitions to ...

The article "Pleasure of staying at the crossroads" by Rishi Raj Baral (posted on http://thenextfront.com/) has put forward a clear roadmap. It is well presented.

I have some comments.

1) Transition: Although, the incremental change, which amass the quantity, impetus and energy for a qualitative change is a continuous process, it has to lead somewhere to a clear break. In this way transition is a continuous process in generic interpretation but it is also an accumulative process for a phenomenal change. This change could be composting of biodegradable items that results in fertilizer or could be germination of seeds that gives birth to seedling or saplings. Now, within UCPN (M), both processes are active.

2)Time: It is natural that such a complex process of transition to reaction and transition to reigniting revolution takes time. However, being active and taking time and being lethargic and taking time are two different circumstances. Now, the “transition to reaction” team has been active as it is spreading its legs everywhere – party, parliament, government and foreign forces, whereas the “transition to reigniting revolution” team has become mostly a talking club barring a few good organizational and analytical works. Hence, the proposition put forward by Rishi that “Staying at the crossroads for long time means to harm oneself” is correct.

3)“Party within the party”: The concept, in practice, is a normal course for a brief period of split in any party. However, as a strategically workable concept, it is not only flawed but also suicidal. If Baidhya-Badal platform wishes that the two antagonistic Headquarters could stay together within a ‘party framework’, that is simply a concept, which would ultimately result to liquidation of them.

4)Break: Rishi’s conclusion that “restructuring the party is one and the only way to move forward” is the correct course this time as the other side – Prachanda-Bhattarai platform has already reached to a destination from where they could only travel to reaction and more reaction.

5)Two line or two tendencies: Being monolithic and too centralization had harmed the communist movement in the past and still it has been harming. So, “letting hundreds of flowers to bloom” should be the governing foundation that helps flourish the communist movement and the parties. Unity even with hundreds of friendly disagreements is what the communists should be happy with. Two lines, two tendencies, two platforms or even more are to be considered normal and natural.

6)Concluding point: Even if Baidhya-Badal platform rejects to move forward and refuses to clearly breaking relations with the Prachanda-Bhattarai camp, revolution in Nepal will not stop to take its further course. However, they have contributed most meaningfully in the Nepalese revolution in the past; they are still trying to carry the glory though with a bit hesitation; the leaders and cadres around them have wonderful contributions and splendid images of sacrifice and revolutionary maturity; and people have trust and expectations from them, so Nepali revolution could wait them for a while. Let’s try for the best, if that would not happen, another better option could take concrete shape and a new course may get acceleration.

http://thenextfront.com/politics/pleasure-of-staying-at-the-crossroads.html

Prachanda Path: A Dead Idealogical Synthesis

Prachanda Path was the creation of CPN (M) as an ideological synthesis of set of ideas emerged during the practice of revolution in Nepal. It was expected that this set of ideas emerging in the form of Prachanda Path will guide the basic line in the forward march of the Nepalese Revolution. Kiran was instrumental in its formulation as his belief was that just as Marxism in Germany, Leninism in Russia, and Maoism in China so Prachanda Path is Nepal's identity of revolution. (see: http://radhikaranjanmarxist.blogspot.com/2009/04/nepal-prachanda-path-new-doctrine.html). And, ideologues like Basanta were the principal elaborators (Bhashyakars) and propagators (see: International Dimension of Prachanda Path by Basanta, Issue number 10, The Worker, organ of the CPN (M).

However, christened after its the then all powerful Chairman Prachanda, Prachanda Path was initially abandoned during the unity process with the CPN (Masal-Unity Center) and died its natural death when Prachanda abandoned revolution.

Now, nobody talks about Prachanda Path, neither its ‘majestic pillar’ Prachanda nor its chief architect Kiran nor one of the great Bhasyakars Basanta. Prachanda Path is found in history books only. It is not only a dead phrase, but also a dead expectation. Strange, cdebasish62 has quoted long passages from Basanta’s article. Everybody has the right to correct himself/herself. Kiran and Basanta also could do the same through the MLM process of criticism and self-criticism. Now, the revolutionary platform within the UCPN (M) has to rename the ideological synthesis of the set of ideas emerged from the practice of Nepali revolution or drop such premature initiatives entirely.

http://thenextfront.com/politics/two-line-struggle-in-the-international-communist-movement.html#comment-2290

UCPN (M) and Revolution or Counter Revolution

Divash Sharma says:
September 1, 2011 at 6:34 am

Following is my comment on Comrade Indra Mohan Sigdel's article "They are minimising the ideological struggle" posted on The Next Front, http://thenextfront.com

“…. Only by defeating this kind of counter-revolutionary thinking and trend, which is noticed in some of the comrades of our party, can the revolution be defended, ….”.

The fundamental hypothesis here is that UCPN (M) is still in the revolutionary path and revolution in Nepal is still an ongoing process. And, by minimizing the ideological struggle, counter revolution might be staged. So, there is possibility of counter revolution.

Reality check on UCPN (M) points out the following.

a) The core leadership, particularly the Chairman has already abandoned revolutionary path. Facts include entering into ‘peace process’ in strategically designed course of attaining state power by abandoning proletarian class interests, contonizing PLA and now, disarming it in the name of integrating into the old army and rehabilitating in the old society.

b)Abandoning the path of class struggle and armed transition and adopting incremental reform agenda instead of radical socio-economic and political transformation.

c) Abandoning organizational instruments created to advance the cause of revolution, example deactivating YCL, people’s governments at local levels, etc.

d) Taking oneself out of the international revolutionary movements including but not limited to RIM and COMPOSA.

e) Class conversion of leaders from proletariat to bourgeoisie class and change of their life styles accordingly.

f) Promotion of cronyism and nepotism in the party and in the government.

g) Abandoning proletarian cultural traits in favor of bourgeoisie culture.

Where there is ideological U-turn, de-structuring of instruments of radical change, cultural conversion from people’s culture to somewhere else and politics of peaceful coexistence with the exploitative classes have become the fundamental features, it is more than “counter-revolutionary thinking and trend”. Rather, it is a full-fledged counter revolution. Only the surprising fact is that how the revolutionary leaders and cadres including Kiran and Basanta failed to read the writings on the wall? Further wait will erode more, the revolutionary gains of past.

http://thenextfront.com/politics/they-are-minimising-the-ideological-struggle.html#comment-1528

Nepal Revolution: The Downward Journey

Nepal Revolution: The Downward Journey

Divash Sharma

The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) had lunched the People's War in 1996 aiming to free the productive forces, establish new democratic governance, strengthen social harmony and support people's culture. The endeavor created momentum immediately after its initiation and galloped in no time to cover the entire territory of the country.

Surprised and bewildered, the western forces together with India took initiatives to quell the rebellion by enhancing the military strengths of the government of Nepal. They got befitting reply from a far inferior military force of the Maoists. Realizing this fact quite early, they devised a soft package too. The ingredient of this package included but not limited to utilizing United Nations and its agencies, international and national human rights agencies, international and national non-government service delivery mechanisms, , media companies , 'civil society' barons and baronesses and council of ambassadors of the western countries stationed in Kathmandu and Delhi. Notwithstanding all their collective acts and actions, the war continued to progress, both in its expansion and intensity. The major arms from the imperialist weaponry did not work that effectively.

The intelligence networks from Washington and New Delhi started to work over time. Besides their regulars, they mobilized a large number of part timers and casual contractors. Academicians and researchers from non-suspecting countries like Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Canada and other smaller European nations were enrolled. Some of them came as research scholars; some came as 'true friends' of the revolutionaries and some came as professionals such as journalists, photographers, etc. Infiltration was their ultimate goal and some of them successfully attained their goal.

Now, one-in-three approach - military strength, soft-package and multi-tunnel intelligence endeavors created a platform and generated synergy to penetrate deep, influence the course from within and harmonize acts to help swallow the slow poison.

From Chunbang onwards, the leadership, otherwise seen determined and resolute, started to show weaknesses, softy-softy attitudes, self-interest drives and hurry to reach to the seat of state power. Their moves from that particular meeting could be termed as unpredictable and opportunistic. The march to Delhi and signing 12 points agreement with the alliance of seven parliamentary parties by utilizing the 'good office' of the Indian government finalized the turn around.

The tactical slogan of the "election of the Constituent Assembly" became a goal in itself. After the election of the assembly, the' Maoists' not only became the largest party, but also graduated as another parliamentary party, particularly after its ideological merger with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center-Masal). Although, organizationally Unity Center merged with 'Maoist', however, the opposite was true ideologically, which was amply clear by the analysis of the course it charted out as Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). From the date of merger, the Unified Maoist had entered into more complex two line struggle and has still been continuing. The core leadership has splinted into three platforms - parliamentary, anti-parliamentary and floater between the two.

The parliamentary platform is neither secretive nor unethical. They are clear on their goal, role and endeavors. They have committed on their radical reformist agenda and represent the middle class interests. In conventional Marxist terminology, they are national bourgeoisie forces and may be branded as revisionists. However, it may not be true in 21st century context to condemn them out right. They are still friendly forces and could contribute meaningfully provided they are rightly branded. They love to call themselves as communists and represent the interests of the upper classes. The Euro-Communists, Nepal's Madan Bhandari's "Janatako Bahudaliya Janabad" (people's multi-party democracy, India's 'Marxists' (CPIM) also fall under this category. Their ideological foundation is not fundamentally different than that the ideology of the Euro-Communists. So, it would be better to name them - the Nepalese Euro-Communists.

The anti-parliamentary platform is a mechanical mixture of revolution and non-revolution. This platform has been passing through transition. However, the direction of the transition is still not clear. Therefore, it is too early to decide its political philosophy and political line. They could evolve as Maoists or may turn to revisionism. Only available option for any analyst is to wait and see.

The floating platform has power in its center - power within the party, power within the state, power outside the party and power outside the state. This platform has nothing to do with working class interests other than occasionally utilizing their good name as a blanket to cover it when the political weather is too cold.

The above brief analysis leads to the conclusion that the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is no more a Maoist party, nor it is revolutionary. Yes, inside the party there is a strong under -current of Maoism. The revolution in Nepal is in its downward journey and reversal is possible only by applying surgical procedures.

Welcome!

This blog is primarily to post ideas, informations, news etc in brief.